Jumat, 12 April 2019

Saudi Arabia Promised Support to Libyan Warlord in Push to Seize Tripoli - The Wall Street Journal

An image taken Wednesday from the Facebook page of Khalifa Haftar's forces shows what the page says are members of his army in al-Aziziyah, about 25 miles south of the Libyan capital Tripoli. Photo: -/Agence France-Presse/Getty Images

Days before Libyan military commander Khalifa Haftar launched an offensive to seize the capital and attempt to unite the divided country under his rule, Saudi Arabia promised tens of millions of dollars to help pay for the operation, according to senior advisers to the Saudi government.

The offer came during a visit to Saudi Arabia that was just one of several meetings Mr. Haftar had with foreign dignitaries in the weeks and days before he began the military campaign on April 4.

Foreign powers including the U.S. and the European Union have looked to Mr. Haftar, whose forces control much of eastern Libya, as a necessary participant in peace negotiations with the United Nations-backed government in Tripoli.

Conflict Zone

Libya is split between an internationally recognized government in Tripoli and a rival one in the eastern cities of Tobruk and Bayda.

Areas of control

Internationally recognized government

and allied forces

Forces loyal to Khalifa Haftar and the

Libyan National Army

Other groups

Mediterranean Sea

Tripoli

Bayda

TUN.

Misrata

Tobruk

Benghazi

Ghadamis

LIBYA

EGYPT

ALGERIA

SUD.

NIGER

CHAD

Source: Live Universal Awareness Map

While the U.S. and EU called on Mr. Haftar to avoid military conflict, other powers have provided weapons, funds and other support that have aided his quest to take control of the oil-rich North African state.

Foreign contacts—even to encourage peace—have secured the status of the Libyan warlord. “They thought he was agreeing to a diplomatic process. He thought he was building up his power,” said Jonathan M. Winer, the former U.S. special envoy to Libya.

The Saudi government didn’t respond to a request for comment on the offer of funds. Mr. Haftar accepted, according to the senior Saudi advisers. “We were quite generous,” one of them said.

A spokesman for Mr. Haftar didn’t respond to a request for comment on the Saudi pledge and other foreign contacts.

The offensive on Tripoli represents the latest upheaval in a country that has lurched from crisis to crisis since longtime leader Moammar Gadhafi was overthrown and killed in a 2011 armed uprising. The chaos that ensued provided ground for Islamic State to operate and offered a route for hundreds of thousands of migrants to reach Europe in recent years.

Share Your Thoughts

What should a political settlement look like in Libya? Join the conversation below.

Libya is now split between the internationally recognized government in Tripoli and a government allied with Mr. Haftar based in eastern Libya.

“Haftar would not be a player today without the foreign support he has received,” said Wolfram Lacher, a Libya expert at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs. “The last few months, pretty much everyone jumped on the Haftar train.”

On the day after Mr. Haftar launched the assault on Tripoli, U.N. Secretary General António Guterres visited the commander to urge him to abandon any offensive and help revive a U.N.-sponsored peace process. Mr. Guterres said he left the country “with a heavy heart and deeply concerned.”

Such visits have become more frequent as Mr. Haftar’s influence in Libya has grown. Days earlier, Mr. Haftar had hosted a delegation of ambassadors and officials from 13 European states and the EU, who urged him to stand down.

Members of Khalifa Haftar’s Libyan National Army head out of Benghazi on April 7 to reinforce troops advancing to Tripoli. Photo: esam omran al-fetori/Reuters

The following day, on March 27, he was welcomed in Riyadh by Saudi King Salman and Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman. Undisclosed by the Saudi government at the time, he also met Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman, along with Saudi Arabia’s interior minister and intelligence chief, according to two Saudi officials.

The Saudi government didn’t respond to a request for comment about Mr. Haftar’s meetings in the kingdom or the offer of funding.

“King Salman stressed the kingdom’s eagerness for security and stability in Libya,” the Saudi Ministry of Foreign Affairs tweeted afterward.

The Saudis and some other Middle Eastern states have backed Mr. Haftar as a bulwark against Islamist groups, notably the Muslim Brotherhood, who took on a prominent role in Libya following the 2011 uprising and continue to participate in political life under the Tripoli government.

Mr. Haftar has received air support from the United Arab Emirates and Egypt, according to a U.N. panel monitoring the international arms embargo on Libya. Egypt denies this, and the U.A.E. hasn’t acknowledged or commented on the presence of its aircraft in Libya as documented by the U.N.

U.S. officials say Russia has sent weapons and military advisers, which the Kremlin denies.

A handout photo made available by the Libyan Army Media office shows United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, left, meeting with Mr. Haftar in Benghazi on April 5. Photo: libyan army media office handout/Shutterstock

The U.S., meanwhile, has backed Mr. Haftar’s rivals in Tripoli. But before the attack on the capital, Trump administration officials expressed a willingness for Mr. Haftar to play a role in Libya’s future under a possible political settlement.

President Trump’s national security adviser, John Bolton, spoke with him by phone the day before the attack on Tripoli and urged him to stand down, according to a senior Trump administration official.

“I suspect he was on the move already” when Mr. Bolton spoke to him, the official said.

After the attack began, the U.S. responded with a public call for Mr. Haftar to halt his offensive. “There is no military solution to the Libya conflict,” Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said on Sunday. The following day, the U.S. military said it had pulled its small contingent of forces from the country.

Saudi Arabia's King Salman bin Abdulaziz met with Libyan military commander Khalifa Haftar in Riyadh on March 27. Photo: Bandar Algaloud/Saudi Royal Court/Reuters

Mr. Haftar has showed no signs of backing down. In recent days, his forces, attacking the outskirts of Tripoli from the south and west, have been slowed by resistance from militias that have often been at odds with one another but have united in opposition to a common foe.

The fighting has driven more than 6,000 people from their homes since April 4, according to the U.N. At least 58 people have died and 275 wounded, the U.N. said.

Mr. Haftar’s quest to consolidate power in Libya has deep roots, nourished over the years by various foreign governments.

As a military commander, Mr. Haftar broke with Ghaddafi in the 1980s and became part of a C.I.A.-backed effort to destabilize the Libyan regime. He then spent two decades in exile in the U.S., before returning to join the rebellion in 2011.

In 2014, Mr. Haftar launched a military campaign he said was intended to snuff out terrorists, a term he applied to a swath of Islamist groups and other opponents. Foreign air power and hardware gave Mr. Haftar’s forces an edge in a country divided among an array of lightly armed factions.

In 2016, France sent special forces to fight Islamist militants around the city of Benghazi in cooperation with Mr. Haftar’s troops.

Russia flew Mr. Haftar to an aircraft carrier in the Mediterranean in 2017 in a display of support. The Kremlin has cultivated ties with both sides of the Libyan conflict as it seeks to expand its regional influence to the southern shores of Europe.

With the foreign backing, Mr. Haftar’s forces established loose control over a huge section of the country, including the eastern city of Benghazi and much of its physical oil infrastructure. In recent months his forces swept into southern Libya before turning north toward the capital.

Close observers of Libya say that Mr. Haftar has interpreted increased international attention as a sign of his legitimacy.

“Haftar did not want to be part of the solution. He wanted to be the solution,” said Mr. Lacher.

Libyan fighters loyal to the Tripoli-based government are shown on Wednesday during clashes with forces loyal to Khalifa Haftar. Photo: mahmud turkia/Agence France-Presse/Getty Images

Libya Divided

Since the 2011 death of Libyan strongman Moammar Gadhafi, this oil-rich North African country has become a theater of rival, foreign-backed governments and militias pushing different agendas. In the chaos, Islamic State has taken root and migrants from the Middle East and Africa are flowing through to Europe. At stake now as fighting heats up again isn’t just Libya’s stability but billions of dollars in oil revenue. Here are the main rival players in the country’s volatile political mix:

  • The Government of National Accord: Established through a United Nations-brokered political deal in 2015, the Tripoli-based government is headed by Prime Minister Faiez Serraj. It is backed by militias, including powerful ones in Misrata, and security forces under the government’s nominal control. The Tripoli government also controls the central bank and the country’s vast oil revenues under the auspices of the National oil company. Aside from the U.N., its international backers include the U.S. and the European Union, with which the government cooperates to halt illegal migration across the Mediterranean. The U.S. has launched hundreds of airstrikes to help the government drive Islamic State from its foothold in Sirte city in 2016.
  • The Eastern government: A rival government is based in the eastern cities of Tobruk and Bayda, including a Parliament in Bayda. It is allied with Khalifa Haftar, the renegade military commander whose self-proclaimed Libyan National Army launched an assault on Tripoli on Friday. His militias have gradually established control over a huge swath of Libya. The group’s international backers include Egypt, Russia, and the United Arab Emirates. Libya’s oil revenues still go to government in Tripoli, which also controls the central bank, but Mr. Haftar and his militias control most of the oil infrastructure. Their attempts to independently export the oil last year were blocked by a U.N. embargo on illicit sales.

Write to Jared Malsin at jared.malsin@wsj.com and Summer Said at summer.said@wsj.com

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https://www.wsj.com/articles/saudi-arabia-promised-support-to-libyan-warlord-in-push-to-seize-tripoli-11555077600

2019-04-12 15:33:00Z
52780266935184

Saudi Arabia Promised Support to Libyan Warlord in Push to Seize Tripoli - The Wall Street Journal

An image taken Wednesday from the Facebook page of Khalifa Haftar's forces shows what the page says are members of his army in al-Aziziyah, about 25 miles south of the Libyan capital Tripoli. Photo: -/Agence France-Presse/Getty Images

Days before Libyan military commander Khalifa Haftar launched an offensive to seize the capital and attempt to unite the divided country under his rule, Saudi Arabia promised tens of millions of dollars to help pay for the operation, according to senior advisers to the Saudi government.

The offer came during a visit to Saudi Arabia that was just one of several meetings Mr. Haftar had with foreign dignitaries in the weeks and days before he began the military campaign on April 4.

Foreign powers including the U.S. and the European Union have looked to Mr. Haftar, whose forces control much of eastern Libya, as a necessary participant in peace negotiations with the United Nations-backed government in Tripoli.

Conflict Zone

Libya is split between an internationally recognized government in Tripoli and a rival one in the eastern cities of Tobruk and Bayda.

Areas of control

Internationally recognized government

and allied forces

Forces loyal to Khalifa Haftar and the

Libyan National Army

Other groups

Mediterranean Sea

Tripoli

Bayda

TUN.

Misrata

Tobruk

Benghazi

Ghadamis

LIBYA

EGYPT

ALGERIA

SUD.

NIGER

CHAD

Source: Live Universal Awareness Map

While the U.S. and EU called on Mr. Haftar to avoid military conflict, other powers have provided weapons, funds and other support that have aided his quest to take control of the oil-rich North African state.

Foreign contacts—even to encourage peace—have secured the status of the Libyan warlord. “They thought he was agreeing to a diplomatic process. He thought he was building up his power,” said Jonathan M. Winer, the former U.S. special envoy to Libya.

The Saudi government didn’t respond to a request for comment on the offer of funds. Mr. Haftar accepted, according to the senior Saudi advisers. “We were quite generous,” one of them said.

A spokesman for Mr. Haftar didn’t respond to a request for comment on the Saudi pledge and other foreign contacts.

The offensive on Tripoli represents the latest upheaval in a country that has lurched from crisis to crisis since longtime leader Moammar Gadhafi was overthrown and killed in a 2011 armed uprising. The chaos that ensued provided ground for Islamic State to operate and offered a route for hundreds of thousands of migrants to reach Europe in recent years.

Share Your Thoughts

What should a political settlement look like in Libya? Join the conversation below.

Libya is now split between the internationally recognized government in Tripoli and a government allied with Mr. Haftar based in eastern Libya.

“Haftar would not be a player today without the foreign support he has received,” said Wolfram Lacher, a Libya expert at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs. “The last few months, pretty much everyone jumped on the Haftar train.”

On the day after Mr. Haftar launched the assault on Tripoli, U.N. Secretary General António Guterres visited the commander to urge him to abandon any offensive and help revive a U.N.-sponsored peace process. Mr. Guterres said he left the country “with a heavy heart and deeply concerned.”

Such visits have become more frequent as Mr. Haftar’s influence in Libya has grown. Days earlier, Mr. Haftar had hosted a delegation of ambassadors and officials from 13 European states and the EU, who urged him to stand down.

Members of Khalifa Haftar’s Libyan National Army head out of Benghazi on April 7 to reinforce troops advancing to Tripoli. Photo: esam omran al-fetori/Reuters

The following day, on March 27, he was welcomed in Riyadh by Saudi King Salman and Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman. Undisclosed by the Saudi government at the time, he also met Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman, along with Saudi Arabia’s interior minister and intelligence chief, according to two Saudi officials.

The Saudi government didn’t respond to a request for comment about Mr. Haftar’s meetings in the kingdom or the offer of funding.

“King Salman stressed the kingdom’s eagerness for security and stability in Libya,” the Saudi Ministry of Foreign Affairs tweeted afterward.

The Saudis and some other Middle Eastern states have backed Mr. Haftar as a bulwark against Islamist groups, notably the Muslim Brotherhood, who took on a prominent role in Libya following the 2011 uprising and continue to participate in political life under the Tripoli government.

Mr. Haftar has received air support from the United Arab Emirates and Egypt, according to a U.N. panel monitoring the international arms embargo on Libya. Egypt denies this, and the U.A.E. hasn’t acknowledged or commented on the presence of its aircraft in Libya as documented by the U.N.

U.S. officials say Russia has sent weapons and military advisers, which the Kremlin denies.

A handout photo made available by the Libyan Army Media office shows United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, left, meeting with Mr. Haftar in Benghazi on April 5. Photo: libyan army media office handout/Shutterstock

The U.S., meanwhile, has backed Mr. Haftar’s rivals in Tripoli. But before the attack on the capital, Trump administration officials expressed a willingness for Mr. Haftar to play a role in Libya’s future under a possible political settlement.

President Trump’s national security adviser, John Bolton, spoke with him by phone the day before the attack on Tripoli and urged him to stand down, according to a senior Trump administration official.

“I suspect he was on the move already” when Mr. Bolton spoke to him, the official said.

After the attack began, the U.S. responded with a public call for Mr. Haftar to halt his offensive. “There is no military solution to the Libya conflict,” Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said on Sunday. The following day, the U.S. military said it had pulled its small contingent of forces from the country.

Saudi Arabia's King Salman bin Abdulaziz met with Libyan military commander Khalifa Haftar in Riyadh on March 27. Photo: Bandar Algaloud/Saudi Royal Court/Reuters

Mr. Haftar has showed no signs of backing down. In recent days, his forces, attacking the outskirts of Tripoli from the south and west, have been slowed by resistance from militias that have often been at odds with one another but have united in opposition to a common foe.

The fighting has driven more than 6,000 people from their homes since April 4, according to the U.N. At least 58 people have died and 275 wounded, the U.N. said.

Mr. Haftar’s quest to consolidate power in Libya has deep roots, nourished over the years by various foreign governments.

As a military commander, Mr. Haftar broke with Ghaddafi in the 1980s and became part of a C.I.A.-backed effort to destabilize the Libyan regime. He then spent two decades in exile in the U.S., before returning to join the rebellion in 2011.

In 2014, Mr. Haftar launched a military campaign he said was intended to snuff out terrorists, a term he applied to a swath of Islamist groups and other opponents. Foreign air power and hardware gave Mr. Haftar’s forces an edge in a country divided among an array of lightly armed factions.

In 2016, France sent special forces to fight Islamist militants around the city of Benghazi in cooperation with Mr. Haftar’s troops.

Russia flew Mr. Haftar to an aircraft carrier in the Mediterranean in 2017 in a display of support. The Kremlin has cultivated ties with both sides of the Libyan conflict as it seeks to expand its regional influence to the southern shores of Europe.

With the foreign backing, Mr. Haftar’s forces established loose control over a huge section of the country, including the eastern city of Benghazi and much of its physical oil infrastructure. In recent months his forces swept into southern Libya before turning north toward the capital.

Close observers of Libya say that Mr. Haftar has interpreted increased international attention as a sign of his legitimacy.

“Haftar did not want to be part of the solution. He wanted to be the solution,” said Mr. Lacher.

Libyan fighters loyal to the Tripoli-based government are shown on Wednesday during clashes with forces loyal to Khalifa Haftar. Photo: mahmud turkia/Agence France-Presse/Getty Images

Libya Divided

Since the 2011 death of Libyan strongman Moammar Gadhafi, this oil-rich North African country has become a theater of rival, foreign-backed governments and militias pushing different agendas. In the chaos, Islamic State has taken root and migrants from the Middle East and Africa are flowing through to Europe. At stake now as fighting heats up again isn’t just Libya’s stability but billions of dollars in oil revenue. Here are the main rival players in the country’s volatile political mix:

  • The Government of National Accord: Established through a United Nations-brokered political deal in 2015, the Tripoli-based government is headed by Prime Minister Faiez Serraj. It is backed by militias, including powerful ones in Misrata, and security forces under the government’s nominal control. The Tripoli government also controls the central bank and the country’s vast oil revenues under the auspices of the National oil company. Aside from the U.N., its international backers include the U.S. and the European Union, with which the government cooperates to halt illegal migration across the Mediterranean. The U.S. has launched hundreds of airstrikes to help the government drive Islamic State from its foothold in Sirte city in 2016.
  • The Eastern government: A rival government is based in the eastern cities of Tobruk and Bayda, including a Parliament in Bayda. It is allied with Khalifa Haftar, the renegade military commander whose self-proclaimed Libyan National Army launched an assault on Tripoli on Friday. His militias have gradually established control over a huge swath of Libya. The group’s international backers include Egypt, Russia, and the United Arab Emirates. Libya’s oil revenues still go to government in Tripoli, which also controls the central bank, but Mr. Haftar and his militias control most of the oil infrastructure. Their attempts to independently export the oil last year were blocked by a U.N. embargo on illicit sales.

Write to Jared Malsin at jared.malsin@wsj.com and Summer Said at summer.said@wsj.com

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https://www.wsj.com/articles/saudi-arabia-promised-support-to-libyan-warlord-in-push-to-seize-tripoli-11555077600

2019-04-12 14:47:00Z
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Cartoon captures defiant mood of Sudanese people after coup - CNN

But this time Awad Mohamed Ahmed Ibn Auf is flanked by intelligence chief Salah Abdallah Gosh and Mohammed Hamdan Dogolo, aka "Hemeti," the head of the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, with Omar Bashir, the dictator ousted in Thursday's coup, peeking over the top of the chair.
Khalid Albaih, the Sudanese artist and political cartoonist who drew the image and shared it on Facebook and Twitter, told CNN he wanted to send a message to the military leaders: "Thank you for protecting the people and doing your job. Now let the people do their job."
This is a view shared by many in the Sudanese diaspora who are afraid of the consequences for constitutional civil rights and freedoms after a military council dissolved the government, suspended the country's constitution and declared a three-month state of emergency.
The military said it would remain in control for at least two years to oversee a "transition of power."
Joy turns to fear in Sudan as army takes control after ousting Bashir
"The protests will continue and I will continue drawing," Albaih, who lives in Copenhagen, told CNN. "The army announcement was a huge disappointment to the people. We wanted a different outcome than the exact same plan that materialized in the rest of the Arab Spring countries."
"It's how to make the people think they had revolution 101. Egypt. Yemen. Algeria. Now us."
This sentiment is echoed by Dalia Haj-Omar, a Sudanese human rights activist based outside of the country. "People I'm in touch with and my family on the ground, they describe the mood turning from celebrations to anger ... so business as usual regarding protests."
I was 11 when Omar al-Bashir came to power. Terror is all his people have ever known
She says the military statement was a shock "because it is basically saying that the same institutions that oppressed us are still there and part of a transition."
Three months "of emergency implies losing important constitutional civic rights," Haj-Omar added. "They tried to do that when Bashir announced a state of emergency on Jan. 22 ... they implemented summary trials for those breaking the ban on protests and could not control the situation because protests continued."
Another activist, Marmar Alsayed, who is based in Qatar, told CNN: "The announcement was a disappointment for all the Sudanese people because we stood up to get rid of the regime but what we got was replacing one criminal with another criminal? We won't rest until it's over and the regime's roots are removed completely, mark my words."

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https://www.cnn.com/2019/04/12/africa/cartoon-sudan-diaspora-military-coup-intl/index.html

2019-04-12 13:41:00Z
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Theologians concerned about newly engaged role of Benedict, pope emeritus - National Catholic Reporter

Vatican City — When Pope Benedict XVI shocked a meeting of cardinals Feb. 10, 2013, with news he would be renouncing the papacy at the end of that month, he promised that as the ex-pontiff he would retreat from the public eye and serve the Catholic Church "through a life dedicated to prayer."

But by the third anniversary of his resignation, Benedict was taking on a more active role.

First came a March 2016 interview with a Belgian theologian that focused on the question of God's mercy, just as Pope Francis was in the midst of celebrating an Extraordinary Jubilee Year, also focused on mercy.

In November 2016 came a book-length interview with German journalist Peter Seewald, where Benedict defended his 2005-13 papacy against criticism. "I do not see myself as a failure," he said in the book, titled Last Testament: In His Own Words. "For eight years I carried out my work."

Now comes a letter blaming the continuing clergy abuse crisis on the sexual revolution and theological developments after the Second Vatican Council, weeks after Francis hosted a first-of-its-kind bishops' summit on abuse that focused instead on the endemic structural issues that have abetted cover-up in the church for decades.

What to make of this development of a pope emeritus who emerges from the shadows unannounced from time to time to offer his comments on current affairs, or even on issues being handled by his reigning successor?

A number of noted theologians and church historians are expressing serious concern that Benedict's choice to engage in such public action undermines Francis and plays into narratives splitting Catholics between two popes, one officially in power, and the other wielding influence as he writes from a small monastery in the Vatican Gardens.

"Benedict told us he was going to live a life of quiet contemplation," said Christopher Bellitto, a historian who has written extensively on centuries of popes. "He has not. A former pope should not be publishing or giving interviews."

Richard Gaillardetz, a theologian who focuses on the church's structures of authority, called the precedent being set by Benedict's latest letter "troubling."

The former pontiff, said the theologian, is offering "a controversial analysis of a pressing pastoral and theological crisis, and a set of concrete pastoral remedies."

"These are actions only appropriate for one who actually holds a pastoral office," said Gaillardetz, a professor at Boston College.

"So now we have a situation in which a former pope is offering a parallel pastoral and theological assessment and a parallel pastoral and theological agenda that cannot help but be viewed as an alternative to the exercise pastoral leadership of the current and only bishop of Rome," he said.

Even the Vatican appears to be struggling to understand what to do with a former pope who wants to engage in public debate. As Benedict's latest letter appeared on several right-wing Catholic websites overnight April 10, the Holy See Press Office seemed unprepared, unable even to respond to questions about whether the text was authentic.

In fact it was Archbishop Georg Ganswein, Benedict's personal secretary, that confirmed for many journalists that the text was indeed from the former pontiff.

"The institution of the pope emeritus in the age of mass media and of social media must be regulated carefully," said Massimo Faggioli, an Italian church historian and theologian who teaches at Villanova University.

"This is something that must be done especially about the papal entourage," he said. "The Vatican is a Renaissance court and it is difficult enough to govern one court without having to deal with a 'shadow papal court' — which is what we have today."

Gaillardetz and Bellitto, a professor of history at Kean University in New Jersey, both said Benedict's decision to continue wearing white after his resignation and to call himself the "pope emeritus," instead of some other title such as the "emeritus bishop of Rome," have not helped make clear that there is only one pope at a time.

"These decisions have rather predictably fed deeply troubling 'two pope' theories," said Gaillardetz.

Shortly after the release of Benedict's letter, one Italian journalist pointed to the official advice the Vatican gives to retired bishops about how to manage their relationships with their reigning diocesan prelates.

"The Bishop Emeritus will be careful not to interfere in any way, directly or indirectly, in the governance of the diocese," states Apostolorum Successores, the Congregation for Bishops latest directory for bishops, released in 2004.

"He will want to avoid every attitude and relationship that could even hint at some kind of parallel authority to that of the diocesan Bishop, with damaging consequences for the pastoral life and unity of the diocesan community," it continues.

"The Bishop Emeritus always carries out his activity in full agreement with the diocesan Bishop and in deference to his authority," it states. "In this way all will understand clearly that the diocesan Bishop alone is the head of the diocese, responsible for its governance."

Or, as theologian Natalia Imperatori-Lee put it about Benedict: "It is crucial that he (and, perhaps more importantly those around him) practice a ministry of silence lest it appear that he wants to undermine the current, only, Bishop of Rome, who is Francis."

"To continue to speak on matters the pope is working vigorously to correct in the global, complex reality … that is the church is to encourage dissent [and] to flirt with schism," said Imperatori-Lee, a professor at Manhattan College.

"Let the pope be the pope," she advised. "And let the pope emeritus pray for him."

[Joshua J. McElwee is NCR Vatican correspondent. His email address is jmcelwee@ncronline.org. Follow him on Twitter: @joshjmac.]

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https://www.ncronline.org/news/vatican/theologians-concerned-about-newly-engaged-role-benedict-pope-emeritus

2019-04-12 13:35:25Z
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